..........................


political, social and economic criticism is worthless unless it is balanced with viable alternatives


pe
Ace



Saturday, 26 October 2013

Paxman vs Brand





Sounds like Paxman had plenty of 'knock him out of his stride' ready-made put-downs to throw in, and orders to belittle Brands arguments with accusations of irresponsibility and a very condescending tone, or is he just that big a prick?  

Tuesday, 10 September 2013

(Un)Reality Killed the Rebel Star


Whatever happened to our music?  Where have all our revolutionary musicians gone?  Back in the eighties video killed the radio star and the way an artist looked and could be marketed became more important than how they sounded.  Indeed, with the tweaking abilities of new music technologies the way an artist actually sounded became relatively inconsequential because their inadequacies could be masked or enhanced.  And so began the era of the talentless fame whore.


Still, cast your mind back to the last quarter of the twentieth century and you should remember groups and artists like Bob Marley, The Clash, Talking Heads, Public Enemy, Tupac and Rage Against the Machine – revolutionary artists and groups who managed to combine talent with marketability and went on to become global superstars of the music charts. They spoke for us, the disillusioned, disenfranchised masses. They inspired us, taught us and energised us and we loved them for it.



Then came the era of Y2K, the Neo-Cons, PNAC, the Global War of Terror and corporate media domination and consolidation.  The lot of the disillusioned, disenfranchised masses became even harder.   The world's political problems became ever more personal and severe...   And yet, in this time of wanting our revolutionary artists seem to have disappeared.  Do you ever wonder where they went?  Have our musicians lost their hearts, minds and balls?  No.  They got crowded out by a new generation of squeaky clean corporatised little fame whores with Simon Cowell at the top of their pyramid.  Some of them may become Pop Idols with the X Factor and some of the World may well have Talent but due to this production line of manufactured magazine cover pop stars our real artists, the people of the people, have been crowded out.   They've been denied their rightful radio and TV platforms to teach, inspire and energise us so we never get to hear about them anymore.  They have become doomed to live and die in obscurity.  Was this a natural evolution of music, culture and entertainment, or is it a fake, manufactured evolution?  Think about the timing.  'They' will never be able to stop the new Bob Marleys, Public Enemys or Talking Heads writing lyrics and making music but they can, sure as shit stinks, starve them of exposure, thus starving our hearts, souls and minds of their empowering poetry and rhythms.


So, to paraphrase Ice T: Fuck the corporate media, fuck the major record labels, fuck the morons that tune in to this shit and fuck Simon Cowell and all his pretty little cripple bitches.

Friday, 23 August 2013

The Baader Meinhof Complex

This awesome German film came out in 2008.  It deals with the German protest movement that started against the American's war in Viet Nam and grew to fight American and Israeli state terrorism and imperialism of the 1970s, and especially the German Government's support of it.  Look it up and check it out, you won't be disappointed... 


Blaucasians

Blaucasians   def.  Black people who want to be white, eg. male:  Obama: this lying, sneaky, misrepresenting excuse for a black president has apparently spent his whole life sucking the corporate white cock and playing the white man's power game.  Only thing black about this sold out motherfucker is his shoes.   female:  Beyonce: permanently straightened hair, forever paling skin and a skinny little nose job - what a great role model for the female half of the planet.  Opp.  Wigger



 

Thursday, 25 July 2013

From South Africa with Love: Wouter Basson, HIV/AIDs, Cannabis and Apartheid


February 4 1997

 
The arrest of Wouter Basson and recent disclosures of the contents of the Steyn Report raise the following question: to what extent, if any, may prohibited narcotics have been a commodity in covert Apartheid operations and formed part of a "chemical" warfare programme?

 
In 1976, under the auspices of the University of Natal, Durban, I published a written study concerning the drugs legislation which the Nationalist Government brought into existence in 1971, known colloquially as the "Dagga Act".   In the context of the growth, use and prevalence of dagga in 1971, the penalties that were introduced were shockingly disproportionate and included a 2-year mandatory jail sentence for possession and a 5-year mandatory jail sentence for cultivation.   The rationale for the "national emergency" (Connie Mulder) necessitating such excess was that dagga might demotivate young white conscripts from fighting the "total onslaught" and that dagga stimulated blacks and whites "mixing".

 
My thesis predicted that the Apartheid regime would use the legislation  for  political  ends,   including targeting blacks (67 000 blacks were jailed in the first 2 years of enforcement alone).  I further predicted that, as in the "American Liquor Prohibition" model, a sophisticated and powerful crime syndicate similar to the Mafia would come into existence, because a widely grown, prevalent, indigenous plant had been converted into a valuable crime commodity.

 
From 1976 to 1992, I monitored, studied, investigated and researched the enforcement of the "Dagga Act", which necessitated an evaluation of the role and functioning of the South African Narcotics Bureau (SANAB): created on 16 September 1974 as a separate specialist unit of the national South African Police, responsible (and accountable) for the enforcement of drug legislation in South Africa from 1974 until now.

 
On a purely organisational/structural evaluation, SANAB went from strength to strength from 1974 to 1992.   SANAB flourished under the leadership of Basie Smit, enjoyed the support and assistance of General Lothar Neethling, Police Forensics, and enjoyed inordinate favourable media coverage, with the assistance of Brigadier Leon Mellet.   SANAB represented South Africa and signed on our behalf at international drug conventions.   SANAB's sphere of influence extended beyond South African national borders and SANAB personnel were deployed in foreign embassies.
 

On a purely functional level, however, SANAB enjoyed less success. Although SANAB succeeded in enforcing the gambling and pornography laws of the Republic of South Africa (thus protecting the casino/pornography industries of the homelands) and in arresting and jailing between 1974 and 1992 over 1-million citizens, SANAB's "success" in preventing drug consumption and trafficking is dubious.   In 1971 there was no international trade in South African dagga, no link between crime and drugs and no crime syndicates.   The South African dagga trade mushroomed from nil in 1971, increasing every year, to a trade in 1992 valued  by  the  American  Drug  Enforcement  Agency (DEA) at $15-billion (R45-billion). **  Dagga became a lucrative crime syndicate commodity and inextricably linked with crime.  Mandrax had been withdrawn from the legitimate pharmaceutical market in the 1970's.   However, a synthetic chemical substance called "Mandrax" (with as much similarity to the pharmaceutical as chalk has to cheese), over the years from 1976 to 1992, was targeted into South Africa's African, Asiatic and Coloured communities.  By 1992, this synthetic chemical (called "Mandrax") in South Africa accounted for 90% of the world consumption with a trade value of R80-million.**  This chemical causes severe neurological impairment.

 
Given SANAB's existence and powers, we need to explore possible reasons for this situation.  

 
Maybe the powers which the laws gave SANAB were inadequate? 

No, the 1971 law gave SANAB the same powers as the Security Police to arrest and detain people without trial, unrestricted powers of search and seizure, the power to tap phones, wear unconventional scruffy, hippy garb, pay informants and participate in narcotic activities in order to acquire information.

 
Maybe SANAB had no power to control key access and exit points for the transit of narcotics into and out of South Africa? 

No, "SANAB's headquarters is located in Pretoria, with offices in all major cities.  SANAB offices are also found at all domestic and international airports located in Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg.  SANAB also has offices at all major seaports in South Africa, including Cape Town, Durban, East London, Port Elizabeth and Richards Bay".**

 
Maybe SANAB did not have sufficient personnel or members? 

No, : "SANAB has 780 police officers assigned to over 40 offices in South Africa".   **

 
Maybe SANAB lacked resources? 

No: "SANAB does not suffer from a lack of equipment, qualified personnel and funds".**

 
Maybe SANAB lacked support from other South African agencies? 

No, "Other agencies such as Customs, Immigrations and the military assist SANAB in enforcing South Africa's drug laws.  The Customs service does not possess powers of arrest.  Thus they rely upon SANAB.  The Military also is involved in cannabis eradication".

 
Maybe SANAB was hampered by not receiving co-operation and assistance from other countries? 

No: "SANAB enjoys a good reputation among other national drug enforcement agencies.  SANAB even maintains a liaison officer in the United Kingdom.  Since SANAB is considered to be the premier drug enforcement agency in Southern Africa, it has commanded the respect of police agencies in smaller countries such as Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and the homelands of South Africa, by conducting intelligence training and providing aid".**

 
It is accordingly necessary to consider other explanations for the phenomenon of hundreds of metric tons of South African dagga (mostly grown in Transkei and Natal) annually reaching the international market shrink-wrapped and containerised, frequently with "diplomatic immunity", and how a synthetic chemical called "Mandrax", reached and ravaged the so-called "non-white" townships in hundreds of thousands of units. 

 
Researchers such as Stephen Ellis, Simon Baysham and Fred Bridgeland, had established a clear co-incidence between drugs, ivory, and arms trafficking, and the bartering of drugs for guns, ivory for guns, and the same transit and distribution routes being used for these commodities in South Africa. 

 
In May 1993, I published the following thesis as a model to explain the information and research data available at that time: "Key elements in the South African Military, Police, and Foreign Affairs Departments of the Apartheid regime have created an organised crime syndicate, the commodities of which, on the available information, appear to be nuclear technology and components, arms and weapons, drugs, ivory and rhino horn.  The internal "homeland" structure and the external embassies and international "haven" structures (the latter set in place by Mulder/Rhoodie) and the creation of juristic entities and front companies, have put in place a highly sophisticated national and international organisational network or grid which not only enable the circumvention of international embargoes, but also facilitate the dealing in those contraband commodities". 

 
Since SANAB controlled the ports, had personnel deployed at foreign embassies who were in a position to receive containers enjoying "diplomatic immunity" and had access to the prohibited narcotics through seizure, SANAB's role in facilitating (either by omission or commission) the operation of the syndicate, required urgent investigation.

 
The thesis was considered not only controversial, but was rejected by the authorities as bizarre and fantastic.   One week after its publication, a further blow to its credibility occurred when SANAB agents supervised the delivery of a parcel to my home and arrested and charged me for dealing in cocaine.  Although the case was thrown out of Court in 1995, the damage had been done.

 
Since the publication of the thesis, SANAB has, however, conceded that metric tons of dagga, shrink-wrapped and containerised, reached the international market, frequently enjoying "diplomatic immunity".

 
The observant reader may wonder why I have chosen 1992 statistics concerning South African drug trafficking and its value in evaluating the role and functioning (or should we call that malfunctioning?) of SANAB.  1992 is some 2 years before the ANC Government came into power.  Two years before it is claimed that democracy brought to South Africa crime .. and drugs ... and Nigerians.  

 
What has changed since 1992?   Not much with respect to the dagga and mandrax trade, but we have witnessed the phenomenon of the introduction of 2 further synthetic chemical substances which have "flooded" the elicit narcotics market.  "Ecstasy" and "Crack Cocaine".  Ecstasy is a big money-spinner at R110,00 per tablet.  Crack is cheaper but very addictive.   It is significant that these substances are synthetic chemicals.

 
Another "change" is that the head of SANAB and senior staff of SANAB have been seconded to run and staff the Organised Crime Unit.   They are remarkably precise in being able to count crime syndicates, i.e. "South Africa has 167 organised crime syndicates".   Not "many", not "hundreds" ... but 167.   Very good counting .. but arrests?

 
In 1995, a SANAB policeman was arrested in Brazil buying up cocaine, so "under cover" that even the Brazilian government didn't know.   Venter, head of Organised Crime, travelled to Brazil to secure his release and bring him home. 

 
In 1995, an investigative report identified a Crack factory being set up on our Zambian border, near the Mandrax factories. The report claimed that SANAB was recruiting international traffickers for the project of this Crack factory.   In 1996, SANAB admitted deployment of agents in drugs factories in Zambia.  They claim to be "infiltrating syndicates" and "winning the confidence" of syndicates.

 
So, is the phenomenon of the Organised Crime Syndicate and drug trafficking a consequence of democracy?   The Organised Crime Syndicate existed for 20 years prior to democracy and dealt in ivory and rhino horn, guns and drugs, amongst other commodities.  Some of its commodities are no longer plentiful or available. 

 
With respect to ivory, the 650 000 elephants in Angola and Mozambique are no more.   When the Nationalists brought our nuclear arms programme to an abrupt halt in 1993, nuclear technology and components should have ceased to be a commodity.  With respect to arms and weaponry, South Africa is apparently on the verge of becoming a "legitimate" world arms dealer.  So, prohibited  narcotics  remain a primary  syndicate commodity: $18-billion in respect of the dagga trade alone.

 
What solutions are available?  A commission of enquiry should be appointed urgently to consider the following possibilities:

 
1.   Decriminalisation and regulation of dagga and prohibited narcotics immediately strips these substances of their value as a syndicate commodity and destroys the primary source of income of an organised crime syndicate.  If the State recognised Mandrax/Crack addiction/abuse of Ecstasy as an illness rather than a crime and implemented a British model of registration and State supply (and treatment and rehabilitation), the link between crime and drugs which results from prohibition would be broken and the power of the organised crime syndicate and its income from these commodities would be removed.  Furthermore, the enormous economic benefits and potential of hemp in the paper and pulp, textile and pharmaceutical industries can be properly evaluated.

 
2.   The public, once the myth of the "Nigerian bogeymen", who are blamed for the drugs proliferation and crime, is dispelled, can abandon the fiction that crime burgeoned with the advent of democracy.   Drug trafficking, arms dealing, money laundering etc. have been a South African reality for over 20 years.

 
3,   Disbanding the existing Organised Crime Unit and South African Narcotics Bureau (to the extent that the latter may have any function at all) and reconstituting appropriate units from resourceful personnel.     SANAB and the Organised Crime Unit have acquired "assistance" from the United States government in the form of CIA and DEA agents and deployed 70 of them in key-point positions throughout South Africa.  The organised crime and narcotics units of European countries, such as the United Kingdom and Germany, are not only efficient, but enjoy a reputation for credibility and integrity and have never been accused of destabilising Third World countries (which regrettably cannot be said of the DEA and the CIA). 

 
4.   Controlling access and exit points.   SANAB has played a significant role in purporting to control harbour and airport access points to South Africa.   Control of the ports  and  harbours  is  an  immediate  priority  and  the South African  Police  Services  should seek assistance from experienced European agents and units who have a reputation for efficiency, success and integrity, such as Belgium, Denmark etc.

 
An efficient crime prevention strategy can only be formulated by a correct evaluation and analysis of past and persisting "existing" structures and an honest, pragmatic and realistic assessment of the present situation.   This may be an appropriate time for a commission of enquiry to undertake a broad, composite and wholistic view of the structure and function of the Apartheid  regime, rather than focusing on specific isolated components.  Put simply, scrutinising individual leaves of the tree in isolation permits only a limited and fragmented analysis of the tree.   The fragmentation of investigation, i.e. the Arms Commission, the Ivory Commission, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the De Kock trial, etc, have distorted investigation and analysis of composite Apartheid structure.  Whether the strategy of pursuing investigation with this methodology was intentional or misguided, it has significantly assisted in protecting covert structures and personnel.

 
To view the Apartheid regime as a politically misguided form of government is not a useful model in evaluating its intrinsic nature, structure and function.   The present crime situation is better understood by analysing the organisational network of its covert operations and dealing with and punishing its key personnel and operatives appropriately. 

 
The Goldstone Commission investigations and findings, and the investigations and findings of the Arms, Ivory and Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, have established the existence of a highly organised network dealing in those commodities.  The disclosures of the Steyn Report and available research and studies suggest, at the very least, that prohibited narcotics have been a commodity in covert Apartheid operations and that particularly the synthetic chemical commodities called Mandrax, Crack and Ecstasy, which have been targeted at particular communities, may form part of a chemical warfare programme.  

* This is not my article, but please copy and share it - the world will thank you!


The Horns of a Dilemma


THE HORNS OF A DILEMMA: TRADING IN RHINO HORN

 

 
"Animals are nothing but the forms of our virtues
and vices, wandering before our eyes, the visible
phantoms of our souls". Victor Hugo.
 

 
At the beginning of this century, more than one million rhino roamed sub-Saharan Africa.   By 1971, their numbers had dwindled to an estimated 80 000.  By the late 1980's, under 9 000 remained ... mainly White Rhino ... the Black Rhino being nearly extinct.  The surviving Rhino were safe within the "conservation haven" that Apartheid South Africa purported to be.

 
The official policy and posture which boasted a commitment to preserving the rhino and elephant species masked the hideous and grotesque reality.   The abundant rhino and elephant herds north of our borders were systematically and ruthlessly exterminated.  Their horns and tusks were the currencies with which our "allies", Unita, Renamo and Ovambo paid for the guns, landmines, rocket-launchers and other military paraphernalia (including chemical and biological warfare weapons) with which Apartheid South Africa armed them.   Bloodmoney, in every sense.  Colonel Jan Breytenbach, hardly an archetypal "Greenie", was so appalled at the carnage that had converted a teeming wildlife paradise in Angola into a barren wasteland, that he was compelled to speak out .. but his protests were stifled .. and South Africa's shameful role in the tragedy was flatly denied.

 
The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Fauna and Flora ("CITES") was established on 1 July 1975.   Its objectives are to create and maintain an international framework for the prevention of trade in endangered species and for the effective regulation of trade in others;  the monitoring of international trade in endangered species; and the classification of fauna and flora into certain categories known as Appendices.  Appendix I includes all species threatened with extinction which are, or may be, affected by trade.   Appendix II includes species that are not necessarily thus threatened, but need to be subject to strict regulation and effective control.   Appendix III includes any species which a member country of CITES ("a party") identifies as requiring the co-operation of other Convention parties in the control of and trading in such species.   The placing of a species in Appendix I virtually amounts to a complete ban on trading in such species - only in exceptional circumstances would the necessary permission for such dealing be granted.

 
The permit system introduced by CITES enabled records to be kept by the respective management authorities on the extent of trading in appendix items.  The accuracy of CITES statistics and the control of endangered species is thus dependent upon parties, through their designated "Management Authorities", complying with the requirements relating to permits and certificates and submitting accurate and regular returns to the secretariat.

 
South Africa has been a party to CITES since 1975.   The conservation departments of the then four provinces were appointed Management Authorities for South Africa.   At the conference of CITES in Lausanne, Switzerland, in November 1989, it was resolved that the African elephant be transferred from Appendix II to Appendix I.   South Africa, Zimbabwe and Botswana were opposed to this move and recorded a reservation ... with the benefit of hindsight, South Africa's motive was cynically expedient.   They nevertheless voluntarily agreed to comply with this decision.   Thus, in effect, as from the beginning of 1990, the ban on the sale and export of ivory was absolute and applied in this country.

 
All species of rhinoceros were listed in Appendix I in 1977.   At a later stage, the South African White Rhino population was transferred to Appendix II.   This enabled the Natal Parks Board to sell to private protected areas and to export White Rhino to overseas buyers and donees.

 
Dr George Hughes of the Natal Parks Board was the zealous promoter and campaigner of the transfer of White Rhino from Appendix I to Appendix II at the CITES conference in Fort Lauderdale in 1994.   Subsequently, a storm of controversy erupted, when it was alleged that the figure of 2 000 White Rhino in Umfolozi, upon which his motivation to the conference had been based, was grossly inflated - an aerial survey could only find 1 200 - 40% fewer than the number CITES had relied upon when they agreed that White Rhino could be transferred to Appendix II.

 
In June 1997, Dr Hughes is going to the CITES conference to acquire a lifting of the ban on trading in Rhino horn.   The Natal Parks Board apparently has a "stockpile" of Rhino horn ... although "for security reasons" Dr Hughes is not prepared to disclose (even to the Parliamentary Committee which recently questioned him on the topic) the size, extent and source of this mysterious stockpile.

 
THE NATAL PARKS BOARD RHINO HORN STOCKPILE AND DR HUGHES' USE OF IT

 
The stockpile of Rhino horn held by the Natal Parks Board and Dr Hughes' dealing with a few of the Rhino horn came under investigation at the Kumleben Commission of Inquiry into Ivory and Rhino Horn Smuggling.   His Lordship, Mr Justice Kumleben, investigated a covert operation carried out by former British Special Air Services operatives and mercenaries in South Africa in the 1980's called "Operation Lock".   It was sponsored by Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands (it is claimed, in his personal capacity, and not as head of World Wildlife Fund for Nature, which he was at the time).  

 
It operated upon the dubious principle of "set a thief to catch a thief" and involved the Lock operatives themselves becoming a Rhino horn smuggling syndicate.  However, they never caught or discovered any syndicate other than themselves and, of course, the Rhino horn and ivory smuggling group that were a division of, what I term, the Apartheid Parastatal Crime Syndicate.

 
To quote the Kumleben Commission ON OPERATION LOCK:

 
"Operation Lock was a covert operation intended to combat the poaching of rhino in central and southern Africa.  Former members of the Special Air Services were engaged to carry out this task.  Their methods were unorthodox and they were accountable to no one.   No official record of Lock's activities or achievements has ever been produced.  The rhino horn provided to Lock for the entrapment of offenders was never accounted for.  In the circumstances, criticism of this venture, and of the limited involvement of the WWF in it, is justified."

 
"Craig Williamson was in some way involved with Lock soon after it began.  The operation needed specialised military equipment. For instance, night-sight equipment and radios of a particular kind.  This may explain how Lock came into contact with, and perhaps became behoven to, elements of the RSA security forces who saw the opportunity of using Lock for its own ends."

 
"Lock .. its fatal flaw was that it was a covert operation involving persons with a reputation for carrying out unorthodox exploits to achieve their goals.  They were accountable to no one.  Thus suspicion regarding them was inevitable, particularly since there has been no disclosure of the fate of the rhino horn delivered and not recovered."

 

 ON DR GEORGE HUGHES AND THE RHINO HORN STOCKPILE

 
"The story behind the rhino horn supplied to Lock is as follows:

 
Fifty were obtained from the stockpile of Natal Parks Board ("NPB").  Before delivery, Dr George Hughes, its Director, obtained authority to deliver the rhino horn from, inter alia, General Conradie, the head of the Criminal Investigation Department of the SAP, and Mr Adriaan Vlok, the Minister of Law and Order.   Hughes was not prepared to part with the rhino horn for nothing.  It was decided that R250 000,00 would be their price and that payment would take the form of a donation of the Natal Parks Board Trust.   This amount was paid by the SANF per cheque drawn on its bank account.  It was thus ostensibly an out-and-out donation from this conservation agency to the Trust Fund."

 
THE NATAL PARKS BOARD STOCKPILE:

 
WHERE DID IT COME FROM?

HOW MANY RHINO HORN DOES IT CONTAIN?

AND WHY WILL DR HUGHES NOT ANSWER THESE TWO SIMPLE QUESTIONS?

 
In 1971, there were approximately 80 000 rhino in Southern Africa.  There are no longer any rhino in Angola, Mozambique and Namibia - they were sacrificed for weapons.

 
The Kumleben Commission, notwithstanding receiving limited assistance from the Apartheid Syndicate responsible, was able to find:

 

                "During the period from mid-1978 to about 1986, the South African Defence Force (Military Intelligence Division) officially, though covertly, participated in the illicit possession and transportation of ivory and rhino horn from Angola and Namibia to the RSA.   Initially, the SADF was directly involved, and at a later stage collaborated with its "front company", Frama Inter-trading (Pty) Ltd, in continuing such illicit handling of ivory and rhino horn."

 
In February 1997, Kevin Dowling and his Channel-4 team from Britain came to KwaZulu-Natal to film a Rhino documentary.   The documentary is not a pretty "Hollywood" travelogue, but a typical Channel-4 incisive, searching and brutally frank investigation into what happened to the 80 000 rhino that roamed Southern Africa 25 years ago.   It records the last few thousand surviving South African rhino (the numbers are in reality terrifyingly few).  The investigation covers Operation Lock, WWF's involvement and that of the British SAS and George Hughes of the Natal Parks Board.   A significant portion of the filming, interviews with witnesses (who wanted their identities protected and disguised) and investigation focused upon the Natal Parks Board, its stockpiling of rhino horn, the quantity and size of the stockpile and where the horn had come from.

 
It was probably just pure coincidence, but Kevin and his crew were harassed, threatened .. even shot at.   I reassured him that the daily incidents were just a synchronicity of bad luck .. that it was part of the turbulence and violence which we are presently experiencing and which, hopefully, is just a transitory phase.

 
I noted that the crew were so concerned that they were smuggling footage of interviews and locations out of South Africa piece-meal, and I was reminded of the conduct of reporter friends who were covering material where the consequence could be detention without trial, in the darkest days of apartheid.

 
The World Wildlife Fund was apparently trying to obtain an injunction in Britain to prevent continued filming of the documentary.  Kevin Dowling is the author of "Foxes in the Henhouse", which unmasks the benign Panda, the symbol of World Wildlife Fund for Nature, and exposes its real identity - the "1001 Club" - an elite and exclusive group - the wealthy "patrons" of world "conservation" - powerful captains of industry and controllers of the leading world multinationals (ironically accused by environmentalists and scientists as being amongst the worst polluters and exploiters of our planet).  Dr Hughes and the WWF representative, John Hanks, have yet to explain how the Natal Parks Board became involved in Operation Lock, and why?

 
Approximately 8 weeks ago, Dr George Hughes addressed the media on the intention of the Natal Parks Board to lobby for the world ban on the trading in rhino horn to be lifted at the CITES conference in June 1997.  This raises certain crucial questions about the hoard of rhino horn which Dr Hughes and the Natal Parks Board euphemistically call its "stockpile".

 
Dowling and his crew gathered information and evidence of witnesses which suggests that the stockpile of rhino horn exceeds 60 000 horns.  Dr Hughes' reluctance to disclose, even to the Parliamentary Committee, the size of the hoard and the origin of all of the horns, simply fuels ugly speculation, rumour and scurrilous suggestions concerning the origin and amount of the rhino horn which the Natal Parks Board will be able to sell if Dr Hughes convinces CITES that the ban on dealings in rhino horn should be lifted.

 
The rumours that the stockpile involves 60 000 rhino horn lead to the speculation that it was acquired from the massacre of rhino in central Africa, Angola and Mozambique, because we did not have 60 000 rhino in KwaZulu-Natal in 1977 when the CITES ban was imposed in respect of the trade in rhino horn.  There were about 60 000 rhinos north of our borders, but they were exterminated to pay for weapons.  Horns for guns ... an endangered species almost driven into extinction.

 
Transparency and openness will put paid to the ludicrous rumours concerning the rhino horn stockpile and decisively refute the "untruthful, unfounded and unfair" suggestions that Dr Hughes is a "cynical, ruthless and expedient purveyor of the bloodstained spoils of wanton greed and evil".   Dr Hughes, as I understand the position, is a committed conservationist who simply wishes to use the horns of the rhinos who died peacefully in our game parks to provide funds to maintain those magnificent green enclaves.

 
To disclose the number of rhino horn which the Natal Parks Board has accumulated and to permit DNA testing of the horns to establish their probable origin will give the public and critics peace of mind and assist them in evaluating the pros and cons of lifting the ban on trading in rhino horn in an informed, objective and dispassionate manner.

 
The Natal Parks Board can continue to hold the moral high-ground, and their critics and adversaries will be compelled to distinguish them from the ruthless, mercenary opportunists who have dealt and deal in the horn of those magnificent rhino, so savagely and needlessly exterminated in the futile and evil cause of apartheid.

 
IN THE ABSENCE OF THE NECESSARY CERTAINTY AND REASSURANCES - TO LEGITIMISE AND SUPPORT TRADING IN RHINO HORN WOULD BE AS MORAL AS BUYING A LAMPSHADE OR BAR OF SOAP MADE FROM A HOLOCAUST VICTIM!


*This is not my article, but please copy it and share it - the world will thank you! 

Sunday, 12 May 2013

Mike Ruppert Interviews Graham Hancock


The interview with Graham Hancock about the revolutionary talk TED just struck off its website, and so much more